Over the course of adolescence, many changes take place in parent–child relationships. Whereas adolescents spend less and less time with their family, they focus increasingly on peers and activities outside the family (Brown
2004; Larson et al.
1996). Many theories, such as neo-psychoanalytic perspectives, evolutionary perspectives, and socio-cognitive perspectives, suggest that the increasing autonomy and individuation during adolescence lead to a temporary decrease in closeness, an increase in conflicts, and gradually more equal power (Collins and Laursen
2004; Youniss and Smollar
1985).
Two theoretical perspectives are relevant when considering the role of conflict in this process towards increasing balance of power. According to the separation–individuation theory (Blos
1967), adolescents develop autonomy and become independent of parents, with parent–child conflicts stimulating the dissolution of ties to parents (Blos
1979; see also Zimmer-Gembeck and Collins
2003). Furthermore, the autonomy-relatedness perspective theorizes that adolescents develop more autonomy (Cooper et al.
1983; Grotevant and Cooper
1986), which may create a temporary dip in parent–child connectedness, although connectedness to parents remains important (Silverberg et al.
1992). An adjusted version of the separation–individuation perspective recognizes that children remain connected to their parents during the process of separation and individuation (Youniss and Smollar
1985). Thus, both perspectives state that distance in relationships is needed to redefine relationships, although under conditions of relatedness.
According to both the separation–individuation perspective and the autonomy-relatedness perspective, autonomy development is thought to entail changes in conflict and power in parent–adolescent relationships. Increasing desire for autonomy and differences in opinions of parents and adolescents about the timing of autonomy are thought to give rise to conflicts in parent–adolescent relationships (Montemayor
1983; Smetana
1989). Conflicts are thought to help adolescents to become more autonomous (Grotevant and Cooper
1986), and stimulate realignment of parent–adolescent relationships toward more age-appropriate expectations as parents relinquish their power (Collins et al.
1997). As a result of this process, adolescents gain more power and parent–adolescent relationships become more egalitarian and reciprocal.
This study provides more clarity on the development of parent–adolescent relationships by longitudinally examining both developmental changes in parent–adolescent relationships, as well as the interplay between these changes. The focus lies on the perceptions of adolescents regarding support, conflict, and power, which are key dimensions in many theories on development of parent–adolescent relationships. For example, attachment theory emphasizes support from parents in the form of shared activities, emotional ties, and care giving as a secure basis to explore the world outside the family and form new relationships (Collins and Laursen
2004). In addition, social relations models highlight interdependence, or the balance of power, in the form of mutual influences, reciprocity, and perceptions of equality as the main characteristic of close relationships (see Collins and Laursen
2004). The social relational perspective also recognizes that conflict is fundamental in close relationships, resulting from the need to integrate different objectives and expectations (Laursen and Collins
1994). This is especially relevant during adolescence, when parents and children have to adjust their relationships due to changing circumstances (Collins
1995). Because of the importance of support, conflict, and power in theories of adolescent development, we chose these dimensions to address in our study.
Development of Support, Conflict, and Power
In this section we will discuss empirical evidence grouped separately for findings on support, conflict, power, and gender differences. Within each part, first cross-sectional studies and then longitudinal studies are discussed. Also, when applicable, a distinction has been made between developments from early to middle adolescence and developments from middle to late adolescence. We will start by discussing previous studies on support.
Findings on age-related changes in perceived parental support are quite consistent. Cross-sectional studies have reported that parental support declines from early to middle adolescence (Furman and Buhrmester
1992; Helsen et al.
2000; Meeus et al.
2005). In agreement with this, parental support, intimacy, and warmth, the latter two both aspects of support, were longitudinally found to decline from early to middle adolescence (Feinberg et al.
2003; Shanahan et al.
2007a; Wickrama et al.
1997). Cross-sectional studies showed that parental support stabilizes during late adolescence (Furman and Buhrmester
1992; Helsen et al.
2000; Meeus et al.
2005). This stabilization was longitudinally confirmed with respect to the development of warmth (Shanahan et al.
2007a). These findings suggest that support declines from early to middle adolescence and stabilizes thereafter.
When considering conflict, a cross-sectional study showed that early and middle adolescents reported higher levels of conflict with their parents than both pre- and late adolescents (Furman and Buhrmester
1992). In addition, a meta-analysis showed that conflict affect increased from early to middle adolescence and stabilized during late adolescence in between the levels of the two former age periods (Laursen et al.
1998). The increase in conflict during early adolescence was longitudinally confirmed (McGue et al.
2005). Overall, there seems to be consensus that conflict becomes more intense during early adolescence and less strong from middle to late adolescence. An explanation for increased conflict intensity during early adolescence can be found in biological changes linked with puberty (Steinberg
1981). At the apex of pubertal development the intensity of conflict in parent–adolescent relationships peaks (Hill and Holmbeck
1986; Laursen et al.
1998), which is suggested to be the result of parallel physical and cognitive changes as well as parents disagreeing with their children that physical development is an adequate reason to gain more autonomy (Collins and Laursen
2004). It should be noted, however, that the social learning perspective suggests that interaction styles in prior parent–child relationships are also very predictive of the development of conflict with parents during adolescence (see Aquilino
1997). In addition, it has recently been found that an increase in parent–adolescent conflict in two-or-more child families was related to the transition to adolescence of the firstborn child for both the first- and second-born children (Shanahan et al.
2007b).
Regarding power, a cross-sectional study showed that adolescents’ perceived power in their relationships with parents was found to decline from pre-adolescence to early adolescence, to stabilize between early and middle adolescence, and to increase from middle to late adolescence (Furman and Buhrmester
1992). Other cross-sectional studies showed that children’s autonomy in relationships with their parents linearly increased from early to middle adolescence (Beyers and Goossens
1999; Pinquart and Silbereisen
2002) and that adolescent concession to the parent’s viewpoint decreased from preadolescence to mid-adolescence (Smetana et al.
1991). These results suggest that the power of adolescents will increase during adolescence, and although no empirical evidence is available, this might be accompanied by a decline in power of the parents during adolescence.
With respect to gender differences, empirical studies show mixed results. For support, Furman and Buhrmester (
1992) found no gender differences for boys and girls regarding mean level during early adolescence, but from middle to late adolescence they found an increase in mother–daughter dyads and stabilization for all other parent–child dyads. Other studies did not examine or find gender differences for boys and girls in mean levels or development of support (e.g. Feinberg et al.
2003; Helsen et al.
2000; Meeus et al.
2005; Lempers and Clark-Lempers
1992). With respect to gender differences for mothers and fathers, no support differences were found in pre- and early adolescence, whereas mothers were perceived as more supportive than fathers in middle and late adolescence (Furman and Buhrmester
1992).
Mixed findings have been reported with regard to conflict and power. Conflict in parent–adolescent relationships has been found to be higher for girls than for boys (Laursen
1995) and more conflicts occurred with mothers than with fathers (Laursen
1995; Smetana
1989). These gender differences can possibly be explained by the earlier pubertal development of girls, since parent–adolescent conflicts of earlier maturing adolescents are higher regarding both frequency and intensity (Collins and Laursen
2004). Also, both daughters and mothers are less avoidant regarding conflict (Laursen
1995) and conflicts are mainly on everyday issues (Smetana
1989) in which mothers are more involved (Collins and Laursen
2004; Laursen
1995).
Furman and Buhrmester (
1992) did not find gender differences for boys and girls or for mothers and fathers regarding conflict, but reported that boys felt more powerful in relationships with their parents compared to girls and late adolescents felt more powerful in relationships with their mothers compared to relationships with their fathers. In contrast to the higher perceived power of boys, girls were found to be more autonomous than boys in early adolescence (Beyers and Goossens
1999; Pinquart and Silbereisen
2002), although this difference disappeared later in adolescence (Beyers and Goossens
1999). An explanation could be that girls’ earlier pubertal timing accelerates autonomy development (Beyers and Goossens
1999). Even though there is inconsistency regarding the exact nature of the differences, these results suggest that gender differences are important to consider. We will therefore examine gender differences in the development of parent–adolescent relationships in an exploratory fashion.
From Inequality to Equality: An Interlinked Process
Not many studies have examined linkages between changes in support, conflict, and power during adolescence. Concurrent associations have been found between conflict and support: adolescents with more conflict with their parents were found to perceive their parents as less supportive (Jenkins et al.
2002). Similarly, a study among late adolescents found a significant negative correlation between parental social support and family conflict (Cutrona et al.
1994). Perceived parental support and perceived parental control were found to be positively correlated during early adolescence in a study with half of the parents being alcoholic (Stice et al.
1993). In line with this finding, positive correlations were found between closeness and parental authority in parent–adolescent relationships during early and middle adolescence (Laursen et al.
2000). Regarding conflict and control, a Chinese study showed that for 15-year-old a higher level of conflicts with parents was associated with greater parental control (Lau and Cheung
1987). Except for these findings, the current literature is remarkably devoid of concurrent and longitudinal associations between support, conflict, and power in parent–adolescent relationships.
Despite lack of empirical evidence regarding linkages in support, conflict, and power over time, theoretical considerations suggest that the development of support, conflict, and power might be interlinked in the process towards more equal parent–adolescent relationships in adolescence. According to the separation–individuation theory, parent–child conflicts stimulate the dissolution of ties to parents (Blos
1979; see also Zimmer-Gembeck and Collins
2003). This perspective would thus imply that higher levels of conflict lead to a decrease in parental power and support and also that parental support would stay low during middle and late adolescence. According to the autonomy-relatedness perspective (Allen et al.
1994; Grotevant and Cooper
1985), during early adolescence, conflict initiated by adolescents may lead to adjustment of relationships as parents relinquish their power (Collins et al.
1997). This perspective therefore implies that conflicts stimulate a decrease in parental power, but are not predictive of changes in parental support.
Aims of the Present Study
We will longitudinally examine how the mean levels of perceived parental support, perceived conflict, and perceived parental power in relationships with mothers and fathers develop during early adolescence from age 12 to 15 and during middle adolescence from age 16 to 19. We expect that parent–adolescent relationships will become more egalitarian over time and hypothesize that support declines from early to middle adolescence and stabilizes from middle to late adolescence. In addition, we expect that conflict is stable from early to middle adolescence and decreases from middle to late adolescence, and we expect that parental power is stable from early to middle adolescence and decreases from middle to late adolescence.
We also will examine longitudinally how the developmental changes of perceived parental support, perceived conflict with parents, and perceived parental power are associated to each other over time within adolescent–mother and adolescent–father relationships. We expect that heightened levels of conflict with parents will stimulate change in parent–adolescent relationships. Based on the separation–individuation perspective, we expect a link between higher initial levels of conflict and decreases in perceived parental power and support. Based on the autonomy-relatedness perspective, we expect that higher initial levels of perceived conflict with parents are related to decreases in perceived parental power, but not in perceived parental support. We will explore gender differences in these developmental changes and associations between changes.