Introduction
According to the United Nations Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, people with disabilities have the right to live in the community with choices equal to others (United Nations
2006; Hewitt et al.
2013). This right is translated into policy worldwide, for instance in the United States in creating opportunities for community living (Hewitt et al.
2013) and in the United Kingdom, where people with disabilities are considered as citizens participating in all aspects of community and in control of the decisions in their lives (Department of Health
2009). In the Netherlands—under the influence of the Dutch Social Support Act (Wet maatschappelijke ondersteuning
2007)—more and more vulnerable people (e.g., elderly people or people with disabilities or disorders) are living independently in the community with the aim to participate in society (de Klerk et al.
2010; Lub et al.
2010). Physical presence in the community, however, does not guarantee real social inclusion, just as taking part in an activity does not guarantee meaningful social contact (Ager et al.
2001). Real inclusion means supporting people to become connected, be part of the place or activity and belong (Gomez
2013). Instead of moral imperatives of mainstreaming and independent living for all, meaningful activity and social relationships are needed to become someone instead of be placed somewhere (Clegg et al.
2008). Research shows that professionals play an important role in facilitating social inclusion by mapping these social networks and supporting the person in expanding or strengthening his or her social network, if required (e.g., Abbott and McConkey
2006; van Asselt-Goverts et al.
2014a). To achieve this, it is important to investigate the social networks of these vulnerable people living in the community. What are the characteristics of their social networks? How satisfied are they with their networks and what are their wishes with respect to them? In this article, we focus on two specific groups: high-functioning adults with autism spectrum disorders (ASD) and adults with mild intellectual disabilities (ID), because both these target groups experience difficulties in developing and maintaining social contacts. We compare the networks of these two groups with one another and with the networks of a reference group. Although people with ASD and ID both have limitations with respect to social contact, the nature and consequences of these limitations differ.
In the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders—Fifth Edition (DSM-5), autism spectrum disorder is characterized by two core symptoms: (a) deficit in social communication and social interaction and (b) restricted, repetitive behaviours, interests or activities (American Psychiatric Association
2013). Three severity levels are defined, based on the amount of support needed due to these symptoms, which underlines the importance of social networks. Given the deficit in social communication and social interaction, people with ASD face significant difficulties in developing and maintaining contacts with network members (American Psychiatric Association
2013; Friedman et al.
2013; Orsmond et al.
2004). However, research on social networks of adults with ASD is scarce (Orsmond et al.
2004). The existing research focuses mainly on the social networks of children (e.g., Bauminger et al.
2008; Bauminger and Kasari
2000; Kasari et al.
2011) and adolescents (e.g., Lasgaard, et al.
2010; Locke et al.
2010; Whitehouse et al.
2009), or on social support of the parents of children with ASD (e.g., Ekas et al.
2010; Siman-Tov and Kaniel
2011; Weiss et al.
2013). Research shows that high-functioning children with autism report having at least one friend, but also that they are lonelier and have less complete understandings of loneliness compared to typically developing children (Bauminger and Kasari
2000). These children perceive their friendships as less close, helpful and intimate (Bauminger et al.
2008). The majority of these children are at the periphery of their network at school and have poorer quality friendships and fewer reciprocal friendships (Kasari et al.
2011). Similar findings are reported for high-functioning adolescents with ASD: they feel lonelier (Lasgaard et al.
2010; Locke et al.
2010; Whitehouse et al.
2009), report poorer quality of their best-friendship (Whitehouse et al.
2009) and are socially isolated or at the periphery of their network at school (Friedman et al.
2013; Locke et al.
2010). Longitudinal research suggests some improvements of social behaviour when children with ASD reach adolescence and adulthood (Seltzer et al.
2003,
2004). However, cross-sectional research comparing adults with adolescents suggests that adults have more impairments in social interaction and have fewer peer relationships than adolescents (Orsmond et al.
2004; Seltzer et al.
2003). Social deficit is persistent and social isolation remains in adulthood (e.g., Friedman et al.
2013; Seltzer et al.
2004). Approximately one quarter to one-third of adults with ASD report having at least one friendship (Eaves and Ho
2008; Howlin et al.
2004) and the same percentage report spending time with others in consequence of their hobby, or attend a club or church regularly (Eaves and Ho
2008). Although high-functioning adults with ASD do have friendships, their relationships are less close, less empathic, less supportive and less important to the individual, compared to people without ASD (Baron-Cohen and Wheelwright
2003). However, perceived informal social support is related to quality of life (Renty and Roeyers
2006) as well as marital adaptation (Renty and Roeyers
2007) in adults with ASD. To our knowledge, a more comprehensive examination of structural (e.g., size and composition, frequency of contact, initiation of contact, length of the relationship) and functional (e.g., perceived emotional and practical support) characteristics of the social network of adults with ASD from their own perspective is lacking.
In the field of ID more research is conducted regarding social networks than in the field of ASD. With respect to the structural characteristics of social networks of people with ID, research mainly focuses on the number of network members. In their systematic review Verdonschot et al. (
2009) concluded that the social networks of people with ID are often small, but the size in the research literature varies from a median of six network members (Robertson et al.
2001) to an average of 11.67 (Lippold and Burns
2009), 14.21 (van Asselt-Goverts et al.
2013) and 22 (Forrester-Jones et al.
2006) for people with ID living in the community. Differences between studies in the size of the social networks of people with ID might be attributable to the use of different measures: the MSNA (Baars
1994; van Asselt-Goverts et al.
2013), the Social Network Map (Robertson et al.
2001; Tracy and Abell
1994), the Social Network Guide (Forrester-Jones et al.
2006), or the Social Support Self Report (Lippold and Burns
2009). Moreover, the observed variation in the size of the social networks reported between studies could be contributed by the design of the study with respect to the informants: the people with ID themselves (van Asselt-Goverts et al.
2013; Forrester-Jones et al.
2006; Lippold and Burns
2009) versus proxy informants, such as support staff (Robertson et al.
2001). With respect to the functional characteristics, research indicates that social support is perceived mainly from professionals (Forrester-Jones et al.
2006) and that professionals are highly appreciated by individuals with mild ID; for affection comparable with family and acquaintances and for practical/informational support, they are valued even higher (Van Asselt-Goverts et al.
2013). Moreover, the majority of the participants (73.1 %) are satisfied with their social networks and improvement in the area of strengthening existing ties (e.g., more frequent contact, better contact) is desired, as opposed to expansion of the network (van Asselt-Goverts et al.
2014b). However, these data on both structural and functional characteristics are difficult to interpret because normative data are lacking (van Asselt-Goverts et al.
2013). Even though several researchers have used different groups, most of the times the groups consisted only of people with ID (e.g., difference in age, degree of ID or living accommodation). In one study, people with ID were compared to people with physical disability (PD; Lippold and Burns
2009), finding that people with ID had more restricted social networks than people with PD, despite being involved in more activities. Widmer et al. (
2008) compared individuals with ID, individuals with ID and psychiatric disorders and students matched for age and sex, but only with respect to the family network. Compared with the control group, people with ID less often consider themselves or their family members as sources of emotional support (Widmer et al.
2008).
From this we can conclude that data on the social networks of high-functioning adults with ASD are lacking. Moreover, data on the social networks of people with ID are hard to compare because of differences in methods of data collection (i.e., with respect to measures used and choice of participants) and the lack of normative data. We therefore hypothesized that the networks of people with ASD (Friedman et al.
2013; Seltzer et al.
2004) and the networks of people with mild ID (e.g., Lippold and Burns
2009; Robertson et al.
2001; Verdonschot et al.
2009) are smaller than those of other people living in the community. However, the number of network members is not a decisive factor in well-being (Lippold and Burns
2009). In consequence, as well as the usual quantitative approach, focussing on the size of the network, we also used a more qualitative approach, including crucial structural and functional network characteristics ranging from the frequency of social contacts to practical and emotional support (Baars
1994; van Asselt-Goverts et al.
2013). Moreover, how people themselves perceive their networks is essential (van Asselt-Goverts et al.
2014b). Because people with ASD and ID experience difficulties in developing and maintaining social contacts, we focus in this study on their description and their opinions of their networks. Therefore the objective of this study was to determine the specific network characteristics of people with ID and ASD and their specific opinions regarding their networks. Specific research questions were:
1.
Are there differences between people with ASD, mild ID and a reference group in their description of structural network characteristics (i.e., size, frequency, length and initiation)?
2.
Are there differences between these three groups in their description of functional network characteristics (i.e., affection, connection, preference and practical/informational support)?
3.
Are there differences in how the three groups perceive their social network (i.e., satisfaction and wishes)?