Introduction
Among 10 to 20% of school aged children and adolescents suffer from symptoms of aggression and/or depression (Card,
2011; Sund et al.,
2011). Both difficulties can have a serious negative impact on the youth's life if the health systems fail to provide effective treatments. Aggression and depression both increase the risk of poor academic performance, drug problems, school refusal and difficulties in maintaining good relationships with family and friends (Card,
2011; Garber,
2006). Despite the high prevalence of aggression and depression amongst youth, studies show that only a small percentage of adolescents with difficulties seeks professional help (Helland & Mathiesen,
2009; Verhulst & Ende,
1997; Zwaanswijk et al.,
2003). This is a problem as this group is especially vulnerable to longer first episodes, relapse and comorbid diseases (Fletcher,
2008). The high prevalence as well as the serious potential outcomes stress the need for low-threshold evidence-based treatments.
Although aggression and depression are quite different in their form of expression, the two difficulties have similarities and are often closely linked. Studies show that there is a high comorbidity between depression and the reactive form of aggression (del Barrio Gándara et al.,
2021; Card & Little,
2006; Fite et al.,
2011). Reactive aggression is known as the “hot blooded” version of aggression. This form of aggression is a reaction to perceived provocation or threat that the aggressor interpreted as being intentionally hostile (Kempes et al.,
2005). The comorbidity between reactive aggression and depression might be a result of social problems, which is both a risk factor and a consequence of the two difficulties. Some suggest that social problems therefore act as a mediating link between reactive aggression and depression (Fite et al.,
2012).
On the contrary, the association with depression is not so established when it comes to the proactive type of aggression (del Barrio Gándara et al.,
2021; Card & Little,
2006; Fite et al.,
2012). Proactive aggression is understood as a more cold-blooded behaviour where the individual may use aggressive actions as a tool to gain things or social status. The background for a lower association between depression and proactive aggression may be linked to the fact that reactive-aggressive children/adolescents have poorer relationships with and experience more negative interactions with parents and peers than proactively aggressive children (Coie et al.,
2006).
Reactive aggression and depression have a number of common features when it comes to symptoms and consequences. Depression and reactive aggression in young people both increase the risk of poor academic performance, drug problems, school refusal and difficulties in maintaining good friendships and family relationships (Card,
2011; Garber,
2006). Children and young people who show reactive aggression experience more social rejection and isolation than non-aggressive peers (Crick & Grotpeter,
1995; Crick et al.,
2006; Marshall et al.,
2015). Social rejection and isolation are again two problem areas that have a strong association with depression (Laursen et al.,
2007; Witvliet et al.,
2010). Whether it is aggression or depression that is the cause of social rejection and isolation is not so easy to know as the two difficulties overlap. For example, depression has a negative impact on self-regulation skills. This can lead to children and young people who are depressed misinterpreting the actions of others as negative and malicious and reciprocating the action with reactive aggression, which in turn leads to rejection by peers (Marshall et al.,
2015). Conversely, aggression can be at the core of children and young people being rejected by their peers, which in turn is a risk factor for depression. According to research, whether it is aggression or depression that occurs first is contradictory. Some studies claim that depression can be the cause of incipient aggression, while other studies find evidence for the opposite (Blain-Arcaro & Vaillancourt,
2017; Burke & Loeber,
2010; Gordillo et al.,
2022; Shin,
2010). Another theory is that aggression and depression mutually influence each other, which has a worsening effect over time (Marshall et al.,
2015). As well as social relationships with peers, different familial conditions also appear to influence both aggression and depression. The biggest risk factor for depression is having a parent, especially a mother, who has or has had depression (Thapar et al.,
2012). In comparison, maternal care helps to influence the likelihood that reactive-aggressive young people will later commit partner violence. For young people who grow up with less caring mothers, the probability that they will later commit partner violence is higher than for young people who do not (Brendgen et al.,
2001).
In addition to prevalence, comorbidity and potential consequences, some theoretical frameworks describing the two difficulties share a lot of similarities. Beck’s cognitive theory for depression (Beck,
1979) and Dodge and Crick’s social information processing theory for aggression (Crick & Dodge,
1996) are both based on the idea that aggression and depression are results of maladaptive ways of interpreting social cues, and as a consequence reinforcing the negative emotions. Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) is a form of psychosocial treatment that aims to reduce these dysfunctional ways of thinking and behaving (Wright & Beck,
1983). Previous studies have found CBT to be an effective method of reducing symptoms of both aggression and depression (David-Ferdon & Kaslow,
2008; Smeets et al.,
2015). However, these studies have examined the effect of CBT on aggression and depression separately. As the two difficulties are closely linked when it comes to comorbidity and theoretical framework, it would be interesting to see if a CBT intervention aimed at reducing depressive symptoms, also reduces symptoms of comorbid aggression.
In the current study we examined the association between aggression and depression using data from a randomized controlled trial of the Adolescents Coping with Depression Course (ACDC) which is a group-based CBT intervention for 14–20 year old adolescents with subclinical, mild or moderate depression symptoms (Idsoe & Keles,
2016). Previous studies on this intervention found that at posttest, the adolescents receiving the ADCD had significantly lower scores on depression symptoms compared to those receiving usual care. Even though the symptoms did not further decrease during follow-up, the discrepancy between ACDC and control groups remained the same (Keles & Idsoe,
2021). The overall effect size of the intervention was mild to moderate (Idsoe et al.,
2019).
The aim of the current study was to investigate the association between aggression and depression and whether the ACDC had a direct or indirect effect on reducing aggressive symptoms at posttest and over a 6-month follow-up period. The study raises the following three research questions:
(1)
What is the association between aggression and depression?
(2)
Does the intervention predict aggression directly at posttest, and indirectly at follow-up?
(3)
Does the intervention predict aggression at follow-up indirectly via reducing depression at posttest?
Due to the higher prevalence of aggression among boys and of depressive symptoms among girls, as well as it becomes more apparent in adolescence compared with boys (Lewinsohn et al.,
1993; Lewis et al.,
2015), it was important to include gender and age as control variables in the current study.
Discussion
The aim of this study was to explore the association between aggression and depression and whether the ACDC- intervention that has been found effective in reducing depression, also reduced aggression symptoms either directly, indirectly, or both. The study was based on the following three research questions: 1) What is the association between aggression and depression? 2) Does the intervention predict aggression directly at posttest, and indirectly at follow-up? 3) Does the intervention predict aggression at follow-up indirectly via reducing depression at posttest?
Results showed that aggression and depression were correlated at all time points. The correlations varied between 0.28 and 0.35 (significant at
p < 0.01) indicating low to moderate correlation between aggression and depression This is in line with the previous studies on the association between aggression and depression (Dugré et al.,
2020; Dutton & Karakanta,
2013; Gándara et al.,
2021; Gordillo et al.,
2022). However, this association is well documented for the reactive subtype of aggression, but not proactive aggression (del Barrio Gándara et al.,
2021; Card & Little,
2006; Fite et al.,
2012). These results were therefore expected, as the ACDC study only assessed reactive aggression.
In the first auto-regressive model we tested whether the intervention could predict aggression directly at posttest and indirectly at follow-up. Results showed that the intervention had no significant direct effect on aggression at posttest or indirect effect at follow-up through aggression at the previous time point. The same results were found in the second model. The intervention did not predict reduction in aggression symptoms indirectly, by reducing depression at posttest. These findings show that even though CBT has been proven effective at reducing both aggression and depression symptoms in adolescents, this intervention does not have the same effect on aggression as it does on depression. As previous studies have found great support for CBT being an effective treatment for aggression, this could mean that the ACDC intervention is too specifically targeted towards depression symptoms so that it might not target aggression symptoms. CBT interventions for aggression usually focus on the social cognitive deficits that lead to aggressive behaviour, as described in Crick and Dodge's social information processing theory (Dodge & Crick,
1990). This includes hostile attribution bias, biased interpretation of social cues and deficits in social problem-solving skills (Dodge,
1993; Dodge & Coie,
1987; Sukhodolsky et al.,
2000). Even though the ACDC-program aims at teaching adolescents appropriate techniques to modify their thoughts, feelings and behaviour, the program does not directly focus on the sustaining factors of aggression as described above. This might explain why the ACDC-intervention does not reduce aggression symptoms in depressed adolescents. Despite evidence supporting the efficacy of CBT on aggression symptoms, few studies have examined whether reactive and proactive aggression moderates the outcome of the treatment (Smeets et al.,
2015). As reactive, not proactive, aggression is linked to depression, more knowledge about CBT for the subtypes of aggression is needed to successfully interpret this as a part of depression programs like ACDC.
There are several limitations to this study that should be addressed, as they could influence the interpretation of the results. First is the sample size and overrepresentation of girls, causing limited statistical power. The gender difference in the sample might be a result of boys being less likely to admit that they have problems with their mental health and therefore not volunteering to the ACDC intervention (Idsoe et al.,
2019). Even though depression is more frequent in girls than boys during adolescence, the skewness in the gender distribution is too big to be able to draw any conclusions on the efficacy of the intervention for boys. Studies also show that depressed men experience more symptoms of aggression than depressed women (Martin et al.,
2013). There is a chance that the reported level of aggression is too low and reduction in aggression symptoms have not been successfully identified, due to the low percentage of boys participating in the current study,
The ACDC-data are based on self-reported symptoms by the participants themselves, increasing the risk of both under- and over-reported measures. As we know from previous studies, measures of depression based on self-reported questionnaires are a lot higher compared to measures on depression based on diagnostic interviews (Kessler et al.,
2001). The study was conducted in a highly natural setting with course leaders being responsible for implementing the intervention, and not the researchers themselves. As a result of this limited control, there is always a risk of the intervention being inadequately applied which could influence the effectiveness of the intervention (Midgley et al.,
2013). However, all the course leaders had a minimum of 3-years education and received a detailed 5-day certification course prior to the intervention, minimizing the risk of poor interpretation.
Lastly, in longitudinal studies there is always a risk of participants dropping out before the end of the data collection. This kind of attrition to the sample might have a negative effect on both internal and external validity, as it distorts the accuracy of the data (Barry,
2005). As a result of attrition, there was a loss of statistical power in the ACDC intervention. However, this attrition was considered missing at random (MAR) and was and handled with a full information maximum likelihood (FIML) procedure.
Implications for Practice
This study supports previous findings of a positive association between the two difficulties, aggression and depression (del Barrio Gándara et al.,
2021; Dugré et al.,
2020; Dutton & Karakanta,
2013). However, the intervention group did not predict any significant direct or indirect reduction in aggression symptoms at posttest or follow-up. More knowledge about CBT interventions for aggression is needed to understand how programs like the ACDC can be adapted to reduce a broader range of symptoms in addition to depression. For future research on the ACDC-intervention, a larger sample with a more even gender balance is needed to be able to generalize the effect of the intervention. To achieve this, difficulties related to recruitment and attrition of participants needs to be solved (Idsoe et al.,
2019).
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